Burma: Dealing with ASEAN’s Shame
By Bryon Wilfert, August 26, 2009
The Embassy Magazine (Canada’s Foreign Policy Newspaper)
I recently had a chance to meet with members of the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus in Pattaya City, Thailand. I was there as the head of the Canadian delegation for the Association of South East Asia Nations (ASEAN) Asian Inter-parliamentary Assembly Meetings.
During the visit, I had a meeting with Burmese opposition members of parliament and parliamentarians from other ASEAN states, which was useful in highlighting not only the current political situation in the country, but strategies necessary to pressure the government to hold free and fair elections.
The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the military junta that rules Burma, is not a legitimate, citizen-supported government. The military came to power in 1962 by coup d’état and has ruled in various forms ever since. In the general election held in 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD) and other democratic parties easily won a majority of votes. Unhappy with the outcome, the junta ignored the election and refused to allow the newly-elected, democratic parliament to form.
Corruption and cronyism is rampant among the junta’s generals and their associates, earning Burma the rank of second most corrupt country in the world, according to Transparency International’s 2008 annual ranking.
Despite earning billions of dollars from trade of timber, natural gas, gems and other goods, the junta spends only one per cent of the GDP on health and education for its citizens; by contrast, it spends between 30 and 50 per cent of the GDP on the armed forces needed to maintain its grip on power. Approximately 300 to 400 Burmese children die every day from diseases that could have been prevented with proper care and adequate resources.
In addition to its negligence, the junta actively uses threats, intimidation, arrest, lengthy imprisonment, torture, rape and murder to subdue its citizens and quash any potential opposition.
At the conference, I addressed these issues before the assembly and I also spoke with the Honourable Mr. U Htun Htun Oo, deputy chief justice and a member of the government’s Commission for Drafting the Constitution, who I have known for a number of years.
In my discussions with the deputy chief justice, I again stressed that the unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the holding of free, fair and transparent elections is critical if Burma is to again enter into normal relations with the international community. He stressed that the constitutional reform process currently underway and the recent release of prisoners demonstrated the government’s commitment to these principles. Clearly, they do not, but they do highlight the outrageous subjugation of a nation by a regime whose only focus is to maintain power at any price.
I have a standing invitation to visit Burma and this is something that I will consider with specific parameters.
The international community, via the United Nations and ASEAN, has repeatedly voiced its concern over the situation in Burma. Calls for dialogue and reform have been met with defiance and underhanded attempts to vindicate the junta’s legitimacy.
The government’s recently announced plans to free political prisoners prior to next year’s election should be viewed with skepticism, as the junta frequently uses such announcements and tactics as ploys to prove that it is working towards reconciliation and to ease international pressure.
Disturbing recent developments concerning evidence of the Burmese military regime’s close co-operation with the North Korean regime, including acquisition of long-range ballistic missile technology, must serve as an urgent wake-up call to members of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). It is time for the ARF, which brings together ASEAN member states and regional dialogue partners (one of which includes Canada), to move beyond unconditional diplomacy and reduce the Burmese military regime’s capability to threaten the comprehensive security of the region.
Action must include restrictions and greater regulation of transactions and entities implicated in weapons deals with the regime and its proxies. It is particularly crucial that those implicated, such as China, Japan, Malaysia and Singapore, take effective steps to stem the flow of funds and technology needed for such deals. These sanctions are less likely to hurt ordinary Burmese who do not use the formal banking system because of the prohibitive commissions and rules on retail customers.
ARF members must no longer allow the SPDC to use diplomatic dithering to strengthen its capacity to threaten its neighbours.
Canada, the United States, Australia, the European Union and the United Kingdom have placed binding economic restrictions on Burma. Some of these sanctions target specific persons and businesses that facilitate or enable the continued violation of human rights inside Burma. Others restrict specific services and the sales of goods.
Financial entities doing business with the SPDC risk jeopardizing their banking relations with other nations and regional groupings, such as Canada, the United States and the European Union. This is particularly true of the financial sectors in ASEAN, which have faced increased pressure for allowing the SPDC to access their financial systems.
International guidance and encouragement, especially from Burma’s regional neighbours, will play a critical role in bringing the junta to the bargaining table. As Canadian parliamentarians, we need to continue to advocate and work with our ASEAN partners to make this happen.
Bryon Wilfert is the MP for Richmond Hill, vice-chair of the Standing Committee on National Defence and head of the Canadian delegation to ASEAN—AIPA.
