Natasha Stott Despoja

Mon 31 Jul 2006

Advertiser (Australia)

Next week is the anniversary of the suppression of the pro-democracy movement in Burma. On August 8, 1988, thousands of unarmed protesters took to the streets of Rangoon, the Burmese capital. By late evening, hundreds of thousands of protesters gathered outside Rangoon’s city hall. Then, Burmese army armoured vehicles and soldiers made their appearance. Once the firing started, panic gripped the crowd.

No one knows how many people died as a consequence of this act of blatant military repression, but what figures there are suggest as many as 2000 protesters were killed. No doubt the unofficial count was much higher.

The attitude of military authorities was summed up by Burma’s then ruler, General Ne Win, who said: ‘’I want the entire nation, the people, to know that if the army shoots, it hits – there is no firing into the air to scare.’’

This was the terrible price the Burmese people paid for democracy. The defeat for Burmese democracy was an unmitigated tragedy, but out of this episode the pro-democracy movement in Burma redoubled its efforts.

In 1990, the Burmese military loosened its grip on political power, partly as a result of international pressure, and acquiesced to demands for free elections. In an apparent triumph over severe adversity, these elections saw Burma’s major opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, win 80 per cent of the available seats.

Fearing total loss of power as well as the possibility of war crimes trials against senior members of the Burmese junta, military rulers robbed the Burmese people of their chance for democracy. Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as other leading pro-democracy figures, was placed under house arrest and the election results ignored.

The events of 1988 were a defining moment for the modern Burmese political landscape. It led to the 1990 elections and the nullification of those results.

The Burmese people are still living with the results of the military crackdown of ‘88 and its aftermath. Since 1990, political freedoms in Burma have continued to be curtailed. In many instances, political dissent is met with brutal, state-sanctioned violence, meted out by the so-called State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).

The Australian Government’s policy on Rangoon’s overt human-rights violations and assaults on political liberty is limited engagement. This position argues that keeping some diplomatic channels open to Rangoon will make the SPDC less isolated and therefore less likely to indulge in uncontrolled violence.

Implicit in this is a hope that by keeping low-level channels open, the Burmese military junta will see the error of its ways and reform, or eventually give political power back to the people.

The Burmese military have been in control since 1962. In 2006, they do not look like honouring the 1990 parliamentary election results any time soon. In late May, a draft resolution on Burma was defeated in the United Nations Security Council. The dissenting voices on the Security Council came from the Russians, Chinese and Japanese.

Complicating our position is the fact that China and Japan are Australia’s key regional trading partners and unlikely to be easily moved to change their positions.

We must push for a UNSC resolution as promoted by many including the ASEAN Inter-parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (the two-day meeting I attended the weekend before last).

As we approach this anniversary, we should also consider whether our Government’s position on Burma will reap the positive results intended.

For the country’s internal politics to change, the international community, Australia included, must keep applying concerted pressure on Rangoon.

Natasha Stott Despoja is Senator for South Australia.

Zaid Ibrahim

Mon 31 Jul 2006

The situation in Myanmar is getting worse and the people of Myanmar are suffering for it.

On July 13, through a government newspaper, the Myanmar military regime made it very clear that it will not tolerate any movement towards democracy.

It made reference to the students who participated in the 1988 democracy movement, describing them as destructive elements and saboteurs.

The inexplicable move of the capital from Yangon to Pyinmana has also caused an enormous amount of hardship for the people.

The Government had to increase civil servants’ salaries 10-fold just to prevent mass defections.

Villages deemed too close to the new capital have been forcibly moved, uprooting many people in the process.

Punishment of ethnic minorities continues.

The latest offensive has forced tens of thousands of villagers to flee their homes and become refugees or internally displaced persons.

But I do not want to dwell on the negative. I wish to discuss some changes that can be made to Asean’s approach to Myanmar in order to make it more effective.

What should Asean do to bring change to Myanmar?

We have made it clear that we will not tolerate the present situation, but we have fallen short of saying what we should do next.

The Asean secretariat has expressed its disappointment but has claimed that we cannot expel Myanmar from the group because there is no procedure for doing so.

So what do we do about a member state that continually embarrasses us by thumbing its nose at all of our suggestions for positive change?

I propose the following. First, Asean must co-operate with the international community to support a sustainable and irrevocable transition to democracy.

It is becoming clear that Asean cannot alter the current situation all by itself. But saying that we cannot go it alone should not imply an abdication of all responsibility.

Asean can do more than throw up its hands and express frustration.

The grouping, or maybe individual member countries, can co-ordinate with other like- minded people, organisations and governments around the world.

We can bring together exiled politicians, refugee groups, parliamentarians, governments and international organisations to build the capacity for change in Myanmar and to prepare the country and the region for the difficulties of democracy and economic development.

We still have an important role to play in supporting global solutions, even if the Myanmar generals will not listen directly to us.

Second, we must engage with our important friends and neighbours – particularly India and China – on this issue.

These countries currently have significant business ties with Myanmar.

We must work to help the Governments of these countries see that they will be better off partnering with a free Myanmar.

The security of all of Asia is threatened by the trans-border flow of refugees, human trafficking, drugs, HIV and so forth.

We must explain to our friends that a bit of economic gain in the short term is not worth the long-term threats to security that it entails.

Moreover, as the history of Southeast Asia shows, trade opportunities will grow immensely as countries move to open political and economic systems.

We must share our own experiences with our neighbours to help them see this.

By supporting strategies that will restore freedom and democracy in Myanmar, all countries will be investing in their own prosperity.

Most importantly, Asean must not give up hope.

I would also like to remind everybody of the plight of Aung San Suu Kyi. She is still under house arrest, as she has been for over 10 years now.

She was not well recently; she was not even allowed to honour her own father, yet her spirit and resolve are unchanged. She is still committed to a peaceful solution.

If she can sustain hope despite all the hardship she has faced, we must do the same.

To reiterate what others have said before, we are not asking much from Myanmar.

We want to see Suu Kyi and other political prisoners released.

We want to see the Myanmar military cease all hostilities against civilians and ethnic groups.

And we want to see real progress towards an inclusive and sustainable national reconciliation.

Are these requests really so burdensome?

The theme of Asean’s 39th ministerial meeting is “the future”. Asean must realise that it will not be able to move into the future if it doesn’t change the present situation in Myanmar.

Datuk Zaid Ibrahim is Chairperson of the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus

The International Conference on “Burma and Democracies in Transition” will be held on 21-22 July 2006 in Kuala Lumpur. The event, hosted and organised by the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) is a follow-up conference to the AIPMC’s “Conference on Democracy, Good Governance and ASEAN” which was successfully held in December 2006, also in Kuala Lumpur.

The Malaysian Foreign Minister and ASEAN’s Envoy to Myanmar, Dato’ Syed Hamid Albar, will deliver his keynote speech at the conference. Other speakers include experts from Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia. Participation at the conference is by invitation only. Interested members of the media please contact the AIPMC secretariat.

Date: 21-22 July 2006.

Venue: PRINCE HOTEL, Kuala Lumpur

Programme:

Friday July 21, 2006

8.30am -9.00am Registration

9.00am-10.00am Opening

10.00am–10.30am Break/Press Conference

10.30am – 12.30pm Focus: Democracies in Transition (Presentations/Q&A)

12.30pm – 2.30pm Lunch

2.30pm – 4.00pm Burma: Transition to Democracy (Presentations/Q&A)

4.00pm – 4.30pm Break

4.30pm – 6.00pm Workshops

7.30pm Dinner & ASEAN Human Rights Caucus Launch

Saturday July 22, 2006

9.00am – 10.30am Plenary

11.00am – 12.00pm Closed door Asean Parliamentarians round-table

12.15pm Press Conference

1.00pm Lunch

Conference ENDS

21 July 2006

Speech by Dato’ Syed Hamid Albar, Foreign Minister of Malaysia at the AIPMC conference on “Burma and Democracies in Transition”

Your excellencies, honourable MPs, ladies and gentlemen.

I would like to thank the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) for inviting me to deliver the opening address of this conference.

I wish to express my deepest apology for not being able to deliver this opening address myself as I am now very preoccupied with the preparations for the 39th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting and Post Ministerial Conferences and the 13th ASEAN Regional Forum, which require my full attention. The fact that my political secretary is delivering my opening address reflects the importance and respect which I attach to the role played by the fellow parliamentarians in protecting, defending and championing good governance and human rights.

I understand that in addition to the AIPMC MPs from 7 ASEAN countries, we also have with us MPs from South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand, as well as observers from other countries in the region and the European Union.

Much as I would like to say I am delighted to see you here in Kuala Lumpur – after all, we always like to welcome visitors to Malaysia! – I know that you are here to deliberate on a matter that is of importance to ASEAN as well as the international community.

But before I proceed, I cannot help noticing that the former name of Myanmar was used instead in the title of this conference. I do not wish to dwell on the inappropriateness of using this name as far as officialdom is concerned. As such, I hope you understand why I will use the mane Myanmar in the rest of my speech today.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Myanmar is the reason why you are all here. As elected parliamentarians, you are concerned about the situation in Myanmar, that the promises made by the Myanmar government towards democratic reforms have so far not been kept and fully implemented. Aung San Suu Kyi and many other political leaders are still in detention, attempts by the UN and ASEAN in urging and persuading the Myanmar government to expedite the national reconciliation and democratic process have produced limited success.

Since Myanmar joined ASEAN in 1997, the latter has continuously sought to promote democratic changes in the country. While doing so, ASEAN members have been supporting Myanmar in facing international criticism. Myanmar has continuously assured other ASEAN members that it is undergoing a transition towards democratic rule and that a “step-by-step” process, a so-called “road-map” to political and economic reforms would be put in place. The process was to be evolutionary and according to Myanmar’s own pace.

Nine years have passed since Myanmar joined ASEAN and there has been very little progress achieved.

The Myanmar government is supposed to convince not only ASEAN but also the international community that their plan is on track and is really going to happen. But we are not seeing it yet.

There is real concern among majority of ASEAN members that Myanmar is putting into question ASEAN’s credibility and image. Even when ASEAN as a group try to have sideline meeting during APEC or Asia-Europe Summits, it is always tricky to search for a special formula to include Myanmar in the meetings. There is also that general feeling among ASEAN members that the maximum benefit to be gained by ASEAN through its cooperation with some of its dialogue partners is being held hostage by Myanmar.

Despite the problems brought onto ASEAN by Myanmar, the former never ceased to give up hope on Myanmar. It is in this context that the 11th ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur in December 2005 gave its mandate for me, as the chair of the ASEAN Standing Committee, to visit Myanmar, which I did in March 2006. The outcome and my views on that visit have been well reported by the media, therefore, I do not wish to dwell on that subject here.

Suffice to say the visit did not meet my expectation or that of ASEAN. ASEAN is facing increasing international pressure and criticisms. Myanmar has not been helping ASEAN in trying to convince the international community that it is serious and committed in carrying out its national reconciliation and democratization process.

While ASEAN countries strictly adhere to the non-interference policy, most of them definitely want to see more visible and tangible signs in Myanmar. The release of political detainees including Aung San Suu Kyi would give a good sign of positive changes. Nonetheless, ASEAN would not resort to pressure.

As I said in Bali in April 2006 this year, the NLD continues to command significant amount of support of the people of Myanmar, and it would be good for the Myanmar government to engage and continue engaging them on equal terms. Any action the military takes, like closing down the NLD or not releasing Aung San Suu Kyi are all impediments and obstacles to their credibility in terms of the progress towards democracy.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Currently, some ASEAN members have grown impatient with the slow progress of democratic reforms in Myanmar as well as its indifferent attitude towards ASEAN. During my visit to Myanmar, I have impressed upon the Myanmar leadership of the importance for Myanmar to work with ASEAN. I also stressed that ASEAN is the best hope for that country before the international community get impatient and activate punitive actions against the country. ASEAN now has reached a stage where it is not possible to defend its member when that member is not making an attempt to cooperate or help itself.

I am aware that the first AIPMC has put forward a resolution to expel Myanmar from ASEAN if the government does not release Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. However, there is consensus among ASEAN members not to follow this track. There is also ASEAN consensus of not wanting any of its members to decide to leave the grouping. In addition, ASEAN has no mechanism to eject a member.

In Bali, ASEAN foreign ministers agreed to continue to positively engage Myanmar. At the same time, ASEAN is also aware that there are other forces at work to pressure Myanmar to bow to international demands such as the lobby led by the United States and thee EU to include Myanmar in the agenda of the United Nations Security Council. I am aware that the AIPMC has publicly supported this move and of course it would be very difficult for ASEAN governments to ignore the views of their democratically elected legislators. Let me assure you that the views of the AIPMC have significant bearing in the decision making process of ASEAN with regard to the issue on Myanmar.

At the same time, other ASEAN neighbours such as China and India can play their role in persuading Myanmar towards democratic reforms. As both countries are close friends of Myanmar, they are in good position to influence Myanmar politically and economically.

ASEAN is firmly of the belief that reforms and national reconciliation in Myanmar will benefit all members. Achievement of reforms in Myanmar will render it a more effective economic partner that will help the authorities and people of Myanmar fulfil the full potential of the country.

Ladies and gentlemen,

ASEAN is at a crossroad – we will celebrate our 40th anniversary next August 2007 – and there is clearly a change of mood. There is a growing commitment to good governance based on the principles of democracy and human rights. We are now recognizing the reality of non-traditional security factors such as health, the spread of HIV-AIDS and bird flu, the trafficking of people and this is reflected in plan of action to establish an ASEAN security community, resulting from the Bali Concord II at the ASEAN Summit there in 2003. The action plan encompasses various programs aimed at, among others, strengthening the elements of good governance.

I believe this conference will provide you with the opportunity to debate further on issues of good governance and democracy within ASEAN. The lessons learnt, issues raised and experiences exchanged could be useful towards creating a better understanding of our problems and challenges, some of which are peculiar to each of the ASEAN countries.

Lastly, I wish all delegates a fruitful deliberation at the conference. To our foreign visitors, I wish you an enjoyable and memorable stay in Malaysia.

Thank you.

Kuala Lumpur, 22 JULY 2006

We, participants of the ASEAN Inter Parliamentary Caucus (AIPMC) Conference on Burma and Democracies in Transition, comprising legislators from Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand, joined by like-minded colleagues from Australia, New Zealand and India, met in Kuala Lumpur on 21-22 July, 2006. All participants remain deeply concerned about the ongoing stability, security and development of our wider ASEAN regional community. We declare that:

In its nine years of ASEAN membership, Myanmar has consistently been problematic for and an embarrassment to its neighbors. Myanmar’s so-called roadmap to democracy has been exposed as a sham: the 13-year old national convention to draft a new constitution is illegitimate and unrepresentative, elected political leaders remain imprisoned, and the humanitarian crisis has escalated.

Since ASEAN made the decision to admit Myanmar, ASEAN must accept that it bears primary responsibility for finding a political solution to the problem. We reiterate our grave concern and condemnation, as expressed in the AIPMC statement of 8 May, over the ongoing military violence against ethnic Karen civilians that has led to the displacement of 18,000 more people in 6 months. We call on ASEAN governments to protect and shelter those displaced by the Myanmar military’s atrocities.

With the support of civil society, AIPMC has led the way for a paradigm shift in ASEAN thinking that forced the regime to make concessions, as witnessed by their relinquishing the chairmanship last year. We welcome this shift and will work to sustain it.

Despite the Myanmar regime’s apparent withdrawal from cooperation with ASEAN, the current economic, political and humanitarian crises in Myanmar that continue to threaten regional security obligate ASEAN to step up its efforts for a political solution. We urge ASEAN members and their dialogue partners meeting at next week’s Ministerial Meeting and Regional Forum to think beyond the polarizing extremes of unconditional engagement on the one hand and abandonment on the other. This includes developing concrete measures to address the problem of Myanmar, such as re-activating the ASEAN troika mechanism.

ASEAN members, individually and as a bloc, must be prepared to explore innovative options that utilize both pressure and persuasion in coordination with the rest of the international community.

International developments, including moves to bring Myanmar before the UN Security Council, present new opportunities for ASEAN members to join the AIPMC in pushing for change. The Philippines, the oldest democracy in ASEAN and the forthcoming ASEAN chair, has already supported the Security Council initiative and should exercise its influence to advocate for other members to do the same. The Philippines should provide leadership to explore and advocate for other effective measures to spur democratic transition in Myanmar in addition to the UNSC mechanism. It is time that ASEAN members publicly acknowledged the myriad of security impacts resulting from the Myanmar regime’s misrule.

We firmly believe that transition is inevitable in Myanmar. ASEAN has a role to support the ongoing efforts of elected Members of Parliament and activists – refugees, exiles and those in the country – to develop capacity to sustain democratic transition in Myanmar. Myanmar asylum-seekers and migrants who are now present in almost all ASEAN states should be given the freedom to improve their understanding and practice of democratic principles and processes.

We also call on ASEAN to instruct its Secretary General to closely monitor and regularly report on developments concerning Myanmar. Such reports should aid ASEAN to craft pro-active measures on Myanmar, including concerted engagement with China and India on the issue.

The AIPMC once again calls on the military government in Myanmar to cooperate with ASEAN and the international community to bring about changes and democratic reforms in the country through political dialogue with the NLD and ethnic leaders; the unconditional release of all political prisoners in Myanmar, including elected MPs, ethnic leaders and NLD leaders such as Aung San Suu Kyi; and a complete cessation of hostilities against ethnic groups.

The AIPMC is committed to the following activities in the coming months:

• Stepping up our campaign to include Myanmar on the UNSC agenda, including the passage of resolutions within our respective Parliaments on the issue.

• Working with our partners from Asia and the Pacific to engage China and India actively on reforms in Myanmar.

• Coordinating interventions at international and regional conferences including the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Organisation and various UN bodies.

• Issuing ongoing statements on the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar and specific threats posed by Myanmar to regional human security.

• Pursuing the suspension of Myanmar’s membership in ASEAN for failing to fulfill both its obligations to the region and its promises for reform.

• Strengthening and sustaining regional dialogue and solidarity among MPs and civil society organizations of the region to cultivate an environment of peace, human security and cooperation.